| Your page-one report on the Chinese arms buildup raises important issues for U.S. security ("New Arms Race," Nov. 13). Present U.S. strategies appear not to comprebend some of these issues.
In an important sense, it is not all bad for our democratic allies in the region to meet this threat on their own-provided there is not a panic. In fact, the U.S. should strive to fit its own foreign and defense policies to help others meet the Chinese threat-supplementing the efforts of Taiwan, Korea, the Philippines, and others. Such a policy should include several goals: 1. Acquire more robust force-projection capabilities, particularly stealth submarines and bombers. Under present plans, the U.S. soon will have only four or five subs in the entire Indian and Pacific Oceans on a typical day. And we have no plans at all for production of long-range bombers. Assurances from U.S. officials are nice, but without increased weapons procurement, Asian officials have some reason to fear whether talk will be backed up by the stick. 2. Build active defenses, and research future, ones more vigorously. Your discussion of Korea's desire for an effective active defense is revealing. The Koreans and Taiwanese would like a defense such as the U.S.-built Patriot system, which we should be willing to provide. We should also continue development of the revolutionary airborne laser, which can effectively counter many non-strategic-missile threats. More generally, we need to ask ourselves whether the strategic assumptions underpinning the ColdWar Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty are still entirely valid or instead should be adjusted. Leaving the nation defenseless against a nuclear attack may be even less sensible today than it was a generation ago. 3. "Attack the enemy's strategy," as Sun Tsu admonished. The greatest fear of the Chinese leadership is its own illegitimacy with the Chinese people. At a very low cost, America can hamper the Communist Party's monopoly on power, frustrate its military buildup, and peacefully promote long-term democratization, To do so, we must, as we did in Russia and its empire, communicate directly with the people-through radio broadcasts, publishing programs, and other mass communications. An effective, 24-hour free news radio service to Mainland China would be one of the best military investments we can make. Given the nascent state of China's military development, it is tempting to hold back on these measures until it is clear they are vitally urgent. Alas, by the time the Chinese threat is brazenly clear, it will be much more expensive and dangerous to deal with. Action taken promptly will be less costly and more effective, and have a chance to promote balanced and democratic development in China as well.
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